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The press reported today that Khader Adnan, Harriet Sherwood’s poor, helpless, “baker and civil rights hunger striker”, will likely be released by Israeli authorities in April, prompting Adnan to call off his hunger strike.

The moral absurdity that Adnan, whose ties to Palestinian Islamic Jihad is not in dispute, has become a cause celeb among self-described ‘human rights‘ activists is hard to overstate, and serves as further evidence of the supreme corruption of the term by much of the activist left.

My guess is that this video of Adnan calling for terrorist attacks against Israelis won’t cause those who championed his release any discomfort, as citizens of the Jewish state have become, for many, merely an abstraction – men, women and children who play a role in a drama meant to maintain a political edifice, and largely outside their imaginative sympathy. 

Let it be known, however, that this is the loathsome man whose freedom they helped to secure.

Update:

Youtube took the video down. The video is now available at Vimeo.

Harriet Sherwood’s first heart-wrenching tale of the trials of a terrorist “Palestinian hunger striker” named Khader Adnan (Israel shackles Palestinian hunger striker), Feb. 12, held in administrative detention by Israel – who has become a martyr in the eyes of terror sympathizers everywhere – barely mentioned his ties to Islamic Jihad, and included no mention of the group’s deadly attacks which have claimed dozens of innocent Israeli lives.

Image from "Free Khader Adnan" Facebook Page

Further, Sherwood provided no legal context about the “administrative detention” being used by Israel to imprison Adnan since mid-December – a judicial method, I noted, similarly employed by other democratic and rights-respecting states around the world, including the the UK and the U.S.  For example, the recently released al-Qaeda terror suspect, Abu Qatada, was held in administrative detention in the UK for over six years.

But, more broadly, the curious subtext of Sherwood’s piece, as with similar criticisms of Israel over Adnan’s hunger strike, seems to suggest that a terror suspect in custody should be released simply because he engages in a hunger strike to highlight his imprisonment to the Western media.

However, Sherwood’s latest piece on Adnan, Palestinian hunger striker Khader Adnan near death in Israeli detention, Feb. 16, was even more sympathetic to the PIJ operative, included passages about the toll Adnan’s hunger strike is taking on his family, and even characterized the Palestinian terrorist as an innocuous “baker from a village near Jenin”. [emphasis added]

Alternately, Sherwood’s 837 word tale of Israeli cruelty included one sentence (15 words) on Adnan’s ties to one of the most violent and hard-line terror groups in the Palestinian territories.

However, Adnan’s major role in the Islamist terror group is well-documented.

  • In a June 8, 2005 Boston Globe article Adnan was identified as a PIJ spokesperson, and was quoted admonishing the Palestinian Authority for cooperating with Israeli officials to apprehend suspects in the wake of a Tel Aviv suicide bombing: “We have strong suspicions that the security coordination’ between Israeli and Palestinian authorities that has resumed in recent weeks ‘is responsible for this”, Adnan said. He further said there had been no response to Islamic Jihad demands that the PA say publicly that it was not involved in helping Israel identify jihadis who were planning fresh attacks.”
  • Al Arabiya identified Adnan as a “main leader” of PIJ.

The multi-talented “baker” named Khader Adan is evidently impressively skilled in both the culinary arts and the more sublime craft of providing rhetorical support for a “resistance” movement’s efforts to murder innocent Jewish civilians.

Harriet Sherwood’s cause celeb, Khader Adnan, is not only a “Hunger striker”, but a true renaissance man.  

When reading the headline of Harriet Sherwood’s report on a Palestinian Islamic Jihad terror suspect being held by Israel, you’d almost think the Guardian’s Jerusalem correspondent was covering a political prisoner being held by a totalitarian regime.

The title of Sherwood’s piece, “Israel shackles Palestinian hunger striker“, would be easy to pass over or dismiss, but yet says so much about how the Guardian frames such Palestinian “prisoners”, even those clearly affiliated with the most violent and malevolent Islamist movements.

Sherwood’s story begins:

A Palestinian prisoner who has been on hunger strike for more than eight weeks is being kept shackled to a hospital bed by the Israeli authorities, despite warnings that he may be close to death.

Khader Adnan, 33, has been held without charge under “administrative detention” since mid-December. The Israeli military authorities have refused to tell his lawyer what he is accused of or disclose any evidence against him.

His wife, Randa, who is expecting the couple’s third child, said no reason was given for his arrest.

First, “administrative detention”, used to imprison Adnan, is a judicial method similarly employed by other democratic and rights-respecting states around the world, including the the UK – and the U.S. 

In fact, unlike the U.S., Israeli detainees are allowed judicial review, generally within eight days, and are subject to renewals every six months – which would seem to undermine claims by Adnan’s wife, uncritically cited by Sherwood, that no reason was given for his arrest.

But, more importantly, it’s only by the sixth paragraph where we learn that Adnan has been previously convicted for being a member of Palestinian Islamic Jihad

Evidently considered of little significance to Sherwood in properly contextualizing the story is the fact that Adnan is a member of  a group recognized as a terrorist organization by the EU, U.S., and the UK,.

Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) was formed in 1979 by Fathi Shaqaqi and other radical Islamists in Egypt who had split from the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood in Gaza whom they deemed too moderate.

The mission of PIJ is the creation of an Islamic Palestinian state and the destruction of Israel through terrorist attacks on military and civilian targets.

PIJ receives financial assistance from Iran and logistic assistance from Syria.

The group’s paramilitary wing— the al-Quds Brigades—has conducted numerous deadly attacks, including large-scale suicide bombings.

PIJ terrorist attacks have claimed the lives of dozens of Israelis and wounded hundreds.

Here is a partial list of the group’s attacks:

  • An August 1987 shooting killed one Israeli in the Gaza Strip;
  • A December 1993 shooting killed one Israeli aboard a bus;
  • An April 1994 car bomb killed nine people and injured fifty aboard a public bus;
  • A January 1995 a suicide bomb killed nineteen Israelis near Netanya;
  • A March 1996 suicide bomb at a Tel Aviv shopping mall killed thirteen and injured seventy five more;
  • A June 2001 suicide bomb killed twenty-one people in a Tel Aviv nightclub;
  • A June 2002 suicide attack at the Meggido Junction killed eighteen and injured fifty;
  • An October 2003 suicide bomb at a Haifa restaurant killed twenty-two and injured sixty;
  • An October 2005 bomb at a Hadera market killed five people;
  • An April 2006 suicide attack in Tel Aviv killed eleven;
  • A January 2007 suicide attack at an Eliat bakery killed three.

In reading the Guardian’s coverage of such terror groups, I’m often reminded of the Talmudic warning that “Those Who Are Kind To The Cruel, In The End Will Be Cruel To The Kind.”

In 482 words, Harriet Sherwood didn’t even suggest that ”prisoners” such as Adnan are willing participants in a supremely cruel, violent, antisemitic movement which intentionally kills innocent civilians without remorse.

This is the story the Guardian rarely if ever tells.

It’s a sad commentary on the hard left that more aren’t outraged by a media group which fancies itself a liberal voice, yet continually finds the most reactionary political movements worthy of sympathy.

We recently reported that the Guardian removed a CiF essay (by Nabeel Rajab and John Lubbock) from their site in late January which reported on human rights abuses against Shia employees of the Bahrain International Circuit (BIC), which is to host the Grand Prix in April, due to a threatened lawsuit by the PR company representing BIC.

The essay also reported more broadly on the Bahrain regime’s systemic oppression of its Shia population (in an overwhelmingly Sunni nation).

You can see an unauthorized cache of the essay at our site, here.

At the time I observed how interesting it was to see a media institution which prides itself on “speaking truth to power” – and so poetically champions the “liberal”, democratic values of the “Arab Spring” – cravenly succumbing to pressure from a Bahrain PR Firm which is reportedly associated with the despotic regime.

Well, the following recent Tweet by co-author John Lubbock, updating friends on the status of the removed post, caught me as especially worth noting.

Think about this for a second.

The Guardian, which publishes reports about alleged Israeli human rights abuses with abandon, often on nothing more than anecdotal evidence, or the testimony of one Palestinian, suddenly feels the need to fact check and independently corroborate witness testimony unflattering to the nation it’s covering!?

Can you imagine the paucity of Israel-related content at the Guardian, and ‘Comment is Free’, if such quaint journalistic practices as “fact checking”, independent corroboration of evidence, and objectivity were consistently employed throughout their coverage of the region?

Of course, Israel’s democratic nature, which includes a free press (and hosts the highest number of foreign correspondents per capita in the world) which doesn’t fear legal sanction, or extra-judicial punishment, for filing reports critical of the government, may explain why Harriet Sherwood doesn’t feel the compunction to rigorously check the veracity of her ubiquitous reports critical of the Jewish state.

Interestingly, based on the Guardian’s own data, Israel was covered over four times more than Bahrain between 2010 and 2011.

I simply can’t imagine why?!

Via a highly reliable source, there was a truly quality moment at the 2012 Herzliya Conference todayat the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) – as the Guardian’s Harriet Sherwood evidently unwittingly sat next to Simon Plosker of HonestReporting in the IDC cafeteria 

If you recall, the Guardian was the winner (in a landslide!) of HonestReporting’s 2011 Dishonest Reporter Award – an award attributed to, among other factors: Sherwood’s bizarre and unprofessional diatribe directed towards the Jewish Chronicle’s Stephen Pollard in response to a JC essay she disagreed with, her false claim that the Knesset was built on the ancestral farmland of the abandoned Palestinian village, as well as the journalist’s activist’s fishing expedition on board a Palestinian vessel (more than 3 nautical miles) off the coast of Gaza.

While I’m not sure if Sherwood knew she was seated next to one of her many Zionist nemeses while at the IDC, my guess is that this photo, from a couple of years ago, would accurately represent her possible reaction if so informed.

On Jan. 22, the Guardian published Harriet Sherwood’s report, Palestinian children – alone and bewildered in Israel’s Al-Jalame Jail, which included accusations that Israel mistreats Palestinian teens charged with acts of violence, allegations largely based on information provided by one radical, anti-Zionist NGO.

Specifically, Sherwood charged that a substantial percentage of Palestinian children arrested by Israeli soldiers (for acts of violence) have been mistreated while in custody – which, it was claimed, includes physical abuse and long stays of solitary confinement. 

In an over 2700 word long report only 230 were devoted to presenting the Israeli side of the story, and even those few passages curiously omitted the following emphatic denial by Israeli Security officials (which was provided to the Guardian prior to publication):

“The claims that Palestinian minors were subject to interrogation techniques that include beatings, prolonged periods in handcuffs, threats, kicks, verbal abuse, humiliation, isolation and prevention of sleep are utterly baseless.”

As HonestReporting noted, Sherwood also severely downplayed the offences Palestinian teens are charged with, which include:

[The recruitment by terrorist organizations...involvement in suicide bomb attacks, Molotov cocktail throwing, stone throwing and stabbing, grenade throwing, the use of explosives, shooting, car bombs, transfer of weapons, kidnapping, rocket launching, as well as assault and murder.

Today, eleven days following Sherwood's smear against Israel, 'Comment is Free' provided Amir Ofek, press attache for the Embassy of Israel in London, the chance to respond.

Ofek, consistent with the information made available to Sherwood prior to publishing her story, strongly refuted allegations that the torture and humiliation of Palestinian suspects was permitted, and categorically denied that "solitary confinement in order to induce a confession" is employed - all of which, Ofek argued, severely undermines the veracity of the Guardian report.

Moreover, while Sherwood provided meager space for the Israeli side of the story in her original report, she didn't see fit to include any information on the severity of the crimes Palestinian teens were arrested for, choosing instead to focus on the "emotional scars" inflicted upon those in custody. 

As Ofek noted about the horrific nature of the atrocities that minors, some as young as 12, can be arrested for:

Hakim Awad, 17, is a minor. Last March he and his 18-year-old cousin, Amjad, brutally murdered the Fogel family while they slept. No mercy was shown to three-month-old Hadas, her two brothers (aged four and 11) and their parents. The scene of the crime, including the severed head of a toddler, left even the most experienced of police officers devastated. The duo proudly confessed to their killings, and they have shown no subsequent remorse.

Ofek added:

Between 2000-04, 292 minors took part in terrorist activities...Ismail Tsabaj, 12, Azi Mostafa, 13, and Yousuf Basam, 14, were sent by Hamas on a mission chillingly similar to the one involving the Fogels, aiming to penetrate a Jewish home at night and slaughter a family in their beds. In this case, the IDF fortunately stopped them in time.

Ofek further noted that Sherwood's dismissive claim that "most [Palestinian children arrested] are accused of throwing stones at soldiers or settlers”, shows a “bewildering disregard for the damage that throwing stones…can cause”, before adding:

“Judah Shoham never reached the age of many of these minors, as he was killed by Palestinians throwing stones, aged just five months. Similarly, Jonathan Palmer never reached his second birthday; he was killed with his father [Asher] when stones were hurled at their car last October.”

Indeed, most tellingly, while Sherwood’s report not only named the Palestinian teens who alleged Israeli mistreatment (and even included an eleven minute video of the teens telling their story), a search of the Guardian’s website didn’t turn up even one mention of the Israelis – Jonathan (Yonatan) Palmer and his father, Asher – murdered by Palestinian teen “rock throwers” who Ofek referred to.  

The only mention of the deadly act of terrorism by Palestinian teens at all was a throw-away passage buried in a story about a mosque vandalized in Northern Israel, on Oct. 3., and a supremely callous characterization by Harriet Sherwood in a story titled “Israel approves new settler homes in East Jerusalem“, which referred to the victims in passing as a “Jewish settler and his son.” [emphasis added]

Wrote Sherwood of the Palestinian teens arrested by Israeli soldiers in her Jan 22 report:

“Following detention many children exhibit symptoms of trauma: nightmares, mistrust of others, fear of the future, feelings of helplessness and worthlessness, obsessive compulsive behaviour, bed-wetting, aggression, withdrawal and lack of motivation.”

As Sherwood continually demonstrates, the “trauma” suffered by family and friends mourning the loss of Israeli victims of terror (such as Asher and Yonatan Palmer) is simply not part of the narrative. 

Palestinian teens profiled in Sherwood's report

Not seen in the Guardian: Asher Hillel Palmer, 25, and his one-year-old son Yonatan, victims of terror committed by Palestinian teens


As I’ve noted on several occasions, the allegations by Guardian reporters that Jews living anywhere beyond the green line (that is, where Jews have lived for centuries, with the exception of the period between 1949 and 1967) are in violation of international law are leveled as frequently as they are lazily. Such reports rarely even bother inserting a hyperlink to a source on the adjudication of the illegality of such Israeli communities.

Charges have been legitimized by the Guardian’s Harriet Sherwood that Jerusalem’s light rail line – which audaciously serves both Arab and Jewish neighborhoods – is arguably a violation of international law.

Israelis attempting to violate international law by boarding Jerusalem's Light Rail

And, more recently, Israeli quarry mining in the West Bank, which provides economic activity and employment for Jews and Palestinians alike, was characterized in a report by Harriet Sherwood similarly as a possibly ‘illegal” act per international law.

Internationally outlawed economic activity: Quarry Mining

And, until recently, I thought the most surreal accusation that Israel was in violation of international law was when the Jewish state stood accused, by the NGO Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, of committing a WAR CRIME when they, in 2010, reopened a synagogue in Jerusalem’s Jewish Quarter, which had been destroyed by the Jordanians following the the 1948 War.

Synagogue in historically Jewish neighborhood of Jerusalem: Violation of International Law

However, the following report by International Middle East Media Center truly jumps the shark with such accusations. 

Their story, titled “International media complicit in legitimization of Israeli settlements“, Jan. 27, by Alessandra Bajec, includes the following:

Unbelievable, but true: over 70 journalists from international mainstream media took part in a tour through Israeli settlements in the Palestinian West Bank last Thursday 19th… guests of the Head of the Samaria Regional Council Gershon Mesika and the Minister of Information and Diaspora Yuli Edelstein. 

Participants included journalists from well-known media outlets such as the British Guardian, the Reuters news agency, as well as reporters from France, Poland, China, Germany, South America, the United States, Radio London and several TV stations from Russia. 

Bajec can hardly contain her rage:

What calls immediate attention is the very fact that a (large) delegation of international media professionals went on a tour around Israeli settlements, all deemed illegal under international law. In other words, a host of media people, from the same countries that condemn illegal settlements in occupied Palestine, partook in something that essentially breaks international law.

The simple act of touring settlements in occupied Palestinian territory is an affront to international law…international media buying into a tour of this kind shows that they are complicit in covering up Israel’s war crimes. 

Who’s to blame for such a journalistic apostasy, per Bajec? Yeah, you guessed it:

…pro-Israel lobbies and Zionist networks…and the Israel influenced mainstream news agencies for whom they work [which] made them turn a blind eye on the topical settlement issue…

While I really wish I knew which Guardian journalist participated in the tour and, thus, flagrantly violated international law, I guess, any way you look at it, it’s becoming harder and harder to avoid reaching the conclusion that the Guardian Group is merely another tool of the international Zionist network.

Journalists' partaking in an internationally illegal meal in Shomron Region

Back in April I posted about a report by the Guardian’s Conal Urquhart (who was briefly filling in for the paper’s Jerusalem correspondent Harriet Sherwood)  titled “Israeli authors join campaign to keep Arab bookseller in the country, April 3, which warned that a bookshop at the American Colony Hotel in Jerusalem was in danger of closing.  

The story focused on the shop’s owner, Munther Fahmi, who was in danger of losing his Israeli residency.

Fahmi was born in 1954 in the “East” section of Jerusalem then under Jordanian control, and moved to the U.S. when he was 21 where he lived for nearly 20 years.  Upon his return to Israel in the 90s, and opening the bookshop, Fahmi had been living on temporary tourism visas, which, recently, was in danger of not being renewed. (Fahmi’s parents, like many Arabs in East Jerusalem, had declined Israel’s offer of citizenship following the Six Day War.)

Urquhart characterized the dispute, in his April report, over Fahmi’s residency status as politically motivated, and quoted an Israeli journalist claiming that the dispute was “symptomatic of the chauvinistic and intolerant behaviour” (towards Palestinians) displayed by Israel’s current government.

Well, evidently Israel’s chauvinism and intolerance was short-lived, as yesterday, Jan. 27, Harriet Sherwood reported, in “Palestinian bookshop owner celebrates Jerusalem residency ruling“, that Fahmi had been granted a two-year residency extension which his lawyers were confident would likely lead to permanent residency status.

Of course, the broader political narrative advanced by Urquhart and Sherwood is itself highly misleading, suggesting that Palestinians (non-citizens) who have residency status are exceptional in the threat they face in losing their status if out of the country for an extended time.  In the U.S., for instance, absences of one year or more can result in the loss of permanent resident status.

But, such immigration and residency issues aside, the significance imputed to Fahmi’s bookshop – which Sherwood described as a “celebrated Jerusalem bookshop patronised by politicians, diplomats, authors and activists” - is difficult to comprehend.

Indeed, back in April, Urquhart characterized the bookshop as arguably “the only decent English-language bookshop in the country.”

Further, Urquhart, in stressing how vital the bookshop was, uncritically included Fahmi’s specious claim that is was very “hard [in Israel] to get English-language books [and that] many Israeli authors who wrote in English could not sell their books in their own country.”

However, the suggestion that there is a paucity of English books in Israel (or that Israeli authors writing in English can’t sell their books here) should strike anyone who lives, or has spent any time, in the nation – where shops offering new and used English books are abundant – as especially peculiar. 

I came to this determination about the grossly inflated significance of Fahmi’s shop while visiting the store in April, but I decided to return (cell phone camera in hand) to demonstrate to those who haven’t been to the shop why I remain curious about all the press the story is receiving.

Here’s a photo I took yesterday of the bookshop, which is roughly the size of the bedroom in my Jerusalem apartment.

This photo captures the entire size of the store, with the exception of a bookshelf to the left of the woman pictured

Further, I observed in my original post that Urquhart’s characterization of the shop as “a haven of tolerance for scholars in a bitterly divided city” seemed at odds with the works they carried, which, for instance, included, as their sole book about the Holocaust, Norman Finkelstein’s notorious “The Holocaust Industry”.

But, I decided before leaving this time to pay closer attention to the fifteen or so books in the shop’s display window, to see what Fahmi was promoting to facilitate tolerance and harmony in this “bitterly divided city”, as bookshops typically use such retail window space to promote books which sell briskly, or possess a unique, or important, literary quality.

Here’s what I found. 

As an Israeli, I’m certainly relieved at the reprieve for this literary oasis in the otherwise barren Israeli intellectual landscape - a mecca of ‘peace and co-existence’ which will also certainly never be accused of surrendering to Jewish supremacism.

On Jan. 9, the Palestinian Times reported that Fatah arrested 8 Hamas members, including a journalist, in the West Bank over several days.  The report also alleged that Fatah arbitrarily extended the detention of other Hamas members, and of firing a teacher who is a member of the group.

Fatah arresting Hamas members in the West Bank

On Jan. 19th, Israel arrested one Hamas member Aziz Dweik , on suspicion of involvement with terrorist activity.

On Jan. 20th, Harriet Sherwood rushed to advocate on behalf of the Hamas terrorist arrested by Israel, posting a piece titled “Israeli jails Palestinian parliament speaker without trial“.  However, further in the article, even Sherwood acknowledges that Dweik is a Parliament speaker in name only, as the Palestinian Legislative Council has not sat since the summer of 2007, when Hamas – which had won elections the previous year – took control of Gaza in a bloody battle with Fatah.

The Guardian also posted a video on Jan. 20 championing the cause of the Hamas speaker of the non-existent Parliament.

Yet, strangely absent from the Guardian’s Israel, Palestinian Territories, or Gaza pages are any mention whatsoever of Fatah’s arrest of eight Hamas members.  Nor mentioned, in service of providing background to Sherwood’s story, was the fact that in 2008 PA security forces aligned with Abbas arrested hundreds of Hamas members and supporters and, further, in 2009, nearly all Hamas-controlled municipal officials were replaced by Fatah officials.

Context similarly missing from Sherwood’s report is the fact that Hamas arrested thousands of Fatah loyalists in Gaza  in 2010 alone, including PA legislators. And, a report in the Palestinian Press as recently as Dec. 30, 2o11 noted that such arrests of Fatah members continued through 2011.

Sherwood characterized the arrest of Dweik as an effort by Israel “to undermine democratic institutions in Palestine”, and hinder reconciliation between the two groups.

Yet, the Palestinians, by any measure, have failed miserably on their own at establishing anything resembling genuinely democratic institutions, as President Mahmoud Abbas is currently serving the seventh year of a four year term, and, per Freedom House, the PA is listed as not free“.

“In the Palestinian Authority administered territories, political rights rating declined from 5 to 6 [7 is the worst score] due to the expiration of President Mahmoud Abbas four-year term in January 2009, the ongoing lack of a functioning elected legislature, and an edict allowing the removal of elected municipal governments in the West Bank.”

So, while the arrest of one Hamas member by Israel elicits a storm of criticism by the Guardian, scores of arrests by Fatah of Hamas officials, and Hamas members by Fatah officials, is evidently considered insignificant to contextualizing the lack of a functioning democracy in the Palestinian controlled territories.

More broadly, both this latest report, and Sherwood’s continuing reports from the region, seem to possess a unique capacity to blame Israel in some manner for every conceivable Palestinian failure, while similarly denying Palestinians basic moral agency (the definition of liberal racism) – a journalistic dynamic which prevents honest reporting on the I-P Conflict.  

On Saturday February 16th 2002, at around 7:45 p.m., an 18 year-old terrorist – wearing an explosive vest containing 25 pounds of nails for added damage – walked into a pizza parlour in the crowded shopping mall in Karnei Shomron and detonated his device.

Two teenagers were killed instantly, some thirty people (many of them children) were injured – six of them seriously – and one died of her wounds 11 days later. Rachel Thaler was 16 years old, Keren Shatsky and Nehemia Amar were both 15 when they were murdered.

One member at that time of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) – the organisation which later claimed responsibility for that terror attack – is named Shahwan Jabarin. 

Strangely, (at least according to Western standards) for someone involved with an organisation with such obvious disregard for the lives of either terror victims or the brainwashed teenagers sent to perpetrate terror attacks, he is today active in the field of ‘human rights’ NGOs as director of ‘Al Haq’ and a board member of ‘Human Rights Watch’. He also sits on the board of an organisation named Defence for Children International – Palestine (DCI-Pal).

In June 2007 the Israeli Supreme Court noted that:

“[Jabarin] is apparently active as a Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, in part of his hours of activity he is the director of a human rights organisation, and in another part he is an activist in a terrorist organisation which does not shy away from acts of murder and attempted murder, which have nothing to do with rights, and, on the contrary, deny the most basic right of all, the most fundamental of fundamental rights, without which there are no other rights – the right to life.”

In 1985 Jabarin was sentenced to 24 months’ imprisonment after having been found guilty of recruiting members for the PFLP (designated as a terror organization by the US, EU and Canada) and arranging PFLP training abroad. In 1994 he was arrested and placed in administrative detention for six months due to the fact that he “had not discontinued his terrorist involvement and maintains his position in the leadership of the PFLP”. In 2003 his PFLP links caused him to be denied entry into Jordan.

The director and founder of DCI-Pal is Rifat Odeh Kassis – another seasoned anti-Israel campaigner who is active in a number of organisations (some of which he founded), including OPGAI, The World Council of Churches, EAPPI, the Alternative Tourism Group, and the Alternative Information Centre (also known for links to the PFLP).  Kassis is the co-author of the notorious Kairos Document, which promotes BDS and suggests that Jewish sovereignty is an affront to God’s plan for humanity.

Last year Kassis took public objection to the Archbishop of Canterbury’s expression of anxiety regarding the future of Christians in the Middle East and used the anti-Semitic canard of dual loyalty to attack the Dutch Foreign Minister Uri Rosenthal.

Far from confining itself to the objectives of its mission statement (“Promoting and protecting the rights of Palestinian children in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), as well as other international, regional and local standards”), DCI-Pal is active in various Boycotts, Divestment and Sanction campaigns and in lobbying foreign governments and organisations.  It promotes the ‘right of return of Palestinian refugees and lobbied for the UNHRC to endorse the Goldstone Report.

DCI-Pal also supports the Muslim Brotherhood-organised ‘Freedom flotillas’ and promotes the myth of “a large-scale humanitarian crisis” in Gaza, and continues to promote the libel of the ‘Jenin massacre’ on its website.

Snapshot of DCI-Pal website, taken Jan. 24, 2012 (Click to Enlarge)

After Operation Cast Lead, DCI-Pal posted a list of the names of children it claimed had been killed during the war. Other organisations such as B’Tselem and PCHR later identified some of those named as combatants.

Clearly, DCI-Pal is yet another on the long list of organisations which employ the fig-leaf of human rights to advance radical anti-Israel agendas.

It is also the organization that raised the unproven allegations which  Harriet Sherwood has chosen – yet again – to repeat  unquestioningly in no less than two articles and one video report in the space of 24 hours on the subject of Palestinian youths detained by Israel .

Sherwood’s complete failure to make any attempt to verify the claims she parrots in order to make them more than just hearsay will hardly come as much of a surprise to those familiar with her track record. Her symbiotic relationship with an NGO which has a (former?) member of a proscribed terrorist group on its board and an often debatable relationship with the truth should, however, raise eyebrows.

Sherwood gets easy and plentiful material for her ‘special report’ and DCI-Pal gets free publicity for its political campaign – but at what price to the reputation of her profession and its ethics?  

It is precisely the failure to confirm or even question the accusations made by DCI-Pal – even in light of the response she received in advance of publication from the Israel Security Agency (ISA) – which indicates that Harriet Sherwood was not interested in providing her readers with facts, but in supplying a steady stream of emotive pieces consistent with their (and her) stereotypes.  Of course by the by, she is also campaigning on behalf of a cause she apparently either considers worthy of political activism or is too ignorant of the elements at work in the region to identify.

It is long past time for Harriet Sherwood – and her editors – to return urgently to her own words from 2006:

“The first thing we need to be absolutely sure of is the purpose of our news reporting from the region. Our correspondents are there to give our readers accurate information about Israel-Palestine. We are not there to bat for one side or the other, but to report on the situation on the ground as we find it.”

This is cross posted by Simon Plosker at HonestReporting

NBC News reports:

The images grow no less shocking with time — a gaping wound on a tiny skull, the hair matted with blood; a gunshot that pierced the skin of a small torso and went straight toward the kidney; and finally, the broken neck and severed penis of a 13-year-old boy, his mangled body contorted on a plastic sheet.

This isn’t, however, a story from Israel but the shocking example of what is happening to Syrian children being tortured and murdered by the Assad regime.

Meanwhile, in Israel, The Guardian runs a special report on the alleged mistreatment of Palestinian children detained by the Israeli military. With the report is an 11 minute video which includes footage of an interrogation. A Palestinian child cries, not as a result of torture but because he is going to miss some school exams.

By opening this critique with the emotive and disturbing description of a dead child, we could be accused of being deliberately manipulative. Just like The Guardian’s Harriet Sherwood who also set the scene in a similar fashion:

The room is barely wider than the thin, dirty mattress that covers the floor. Behind a low concrete wall is a squat toilet, the stench from which has no escape in the windowless room. The rough concrete walls deter idle leaning; the constant overhead light inhibits sleep. The delivery of food through a low slit in the door is the only way of marking time, dividing day from night.

This is Cell 36, deep within Al Jalame prison in northern Israel. It is one of a handful of cells where Palestinian children are locked in solitary confinement for days or even weeks. One 16-year-old claimed that he had been kept in Cell 36 for 65 days.

It is an ugly scene for an equally ugly story that paints Israel as a serial abuser of Palestinian children. The real child abuse in reality, however, is that caused by Palestinian society and media that glorifies terrorists, suicide bombers and “martyrs”, encouraging Palestinian youth to follow the same path.

A vulnerable child is easy pickings for recruitment by terrorist organizations. In recent years the most predominant activities characterizing involvement of minors were involvement in suicide bomb attacks, Molotov cocktail throwing, stone throwing and stabbing. Minors have also been involved in grenade throwing, use of explosives, shooting, car bombs, transfer of weapons, kidnapping, rocket launching, as well as assault and murder.

See here for more on Children Dying to Kill.

And while it suits Palestinian propaganda to promote the image of children armed with stones facing Israeli armor, the reality is that stones can kill. As recently as September 2011, Asher Palmer and his infant son Yonatan were killed after the vehicle he was driving overturned as a result of Palestinian rock throwing.

The Israeli response: Unpublished by The Guardian

There are often complaints that Israel does not react in a timely manner to address allegations such as those made by The Guardian. While Israeli Government spokesman Mark Regev does appear in The Guardian’s video along with a token paragraph in the main article, most of the Israeli Security Agency’s (ISA) response went unpublished as Harriet Sherwood picked out only a few quotes.

Here, for the record, we are including the response from the ISA that was sent to The Guardian before its article was published. In it, the ISA states:

  • The claims that Palestinian minors were subject to interrogation techniques that include beatings, prolonged periods in handcuffs, threats, kicks, verbal abuse, humiliation, isolation and prevention of sleep are utterly baseless.
  • Those detained for ISA questioning receive the full rights for which they are eligible, in accordance with international treaties of which the State of Israel is a signatory and according to Israeli law, including the right to legal counsel and visits by the Red Cross.

Click here for the full ISA response.

DCI-PS: A Politicized, Anti-Israel NGO

We already know only too well from bitter experience, The Guardian’s anti-Israel agenda. But what of Defence for Children International – Palestine Section, the non-governmental organization (NGO) that collected Palestinian testimonies and collaborated with The Guardian?

According to NGO Monitor:

  • DCI-PS supports BDS campaigns, and is an active participant in boycott efforts in the framework of the UN and other venues. Also lobbies the UN and the EU to promote these campaigns.
  • Calls for Israel to “accept historical and legal responsibility for the Nakba, and recognise the principle of the right to return that was endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly in its Resolution No. 194 in 1948.”
  • Published an ‘urgent appeal,’ calling the UN Human Rights Council members to “endorse all the recommendations contained in the Goldstone report…and submit the report to the General Assembly and the Prosecutor of the ICC for appropriate action.”

This is only a small selection of examples of DCI-PS’s politicized and anti-Israel agenda that puts its credibility in doubt. After all, if this NGO is actively seeking evidence with which to attack Israel, then coaxing questionable testimony from minors of questionable character who may have already been involved in criminal or terrorist activity may be easier than it should.

The Guardian’s Agenda Journalism

If any further proof were needed of The Guardian’s brand of agenda-driven journalism, it appeared the day after the original article. This follow-up focused on the UK government’s response to the allegations raised by The Guardian.

This is a prime example of how a biased and one-sided article in the media can have damaging consequences way beyond simple public relations damage.

Commenting to The Guardian is Sandra Osborne MP, who has been leading the campaign in Parliament. The photo below of Osborne with Hamas PM Ismail Haniyeh taken in July 2011 is an indication of where her sympathies lie.

Harry’s Place blog documents Osborne’s thought’s on the “moderate” Hamas leader:

We were also able to meet with Ismail Haniyeh who is recognised as PM in Gaza (while Fayyad is still seen as PM in the West Bank), who heads up the successful Hamas Parliamentary Group. He is a popular figure, living modestly locally in Gaza. He has been pivotal in taking Hamas down a more moderate road leading to a renunciation of violence and keeping the more militant factions within Hamas under control while promoting engagement with rival Fatah. We discussed a wide range of issues but he made it clear that some of the most important could not be seriously addressed until Israel recognised the Palestinian State and real progress was made.

Advocacy journalism is not, by itself, unacceptable. After all, it is the job of a free media to shine the spotlight on untoward behavior wherever it might be found. Indeed, the Israeli press is usually the first to expose issues that need to be investigated in a functioning liberal democracy.

What is unacceptable, however, is The Guardian’s relentless campaign to portray Israel in as negative a light as possible. If only the children of Syria or any number of other places in the Middle East had Guardian reporters advocating on their behalf instead of on the one place where the mechanisms of accountability and rule of law actually exist.

It would be naive to believe that there have never been any Israeli violations of those laws specifically meant to protect the rights of minors in detention. If these cases exist, there are authorities tasked with investigating and dealing with such deviations. This is not, however, the norm.

The Guardian, in collaboration with DCI-PS, has deliberately and falsely portrayed Israel as a country that tolerates the torture and abuse of Palestinian children, which is definitively not the case. Having to arrest, prosecute and imprison minors is by its very nature a difficult issue. Unfortunately, Israel has been forced out of necessity to address a problem arising from Palestinian society.

So where then is the real child abuse?

Send your considered comments to The Guardian – letters@guardian.co.uk

Manfred Gerstenfeld, Chairman of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, has published a very important essay at Ynet, titled, “Beware the humanitarian racists“, which serves to provide vital insights into the contrasting coverage of Israel and the Arab world at the Guardian.

Gerstenfeld introduces his essay by distinguishing between two kinds of racists.

Among racists, the humanitarian ones hide their evil behavior best. This is why their racism often goes unnoticed so they can claim that they are level-headed and decent people.

Another type of racist, the “ugly” one, can be easily identified. He may, for instance, repeat the old colonialist statements claiming that Africans are like children, retarded or even subhuman. Such racists believe that people who cannot be held responsible for their acts should be treated as inferior.

Gerstenfeld then notes the dynamics which unite both manifestations of racism:

The basic views of humanitarian racists are very similar to those of the ugly type. They may claim, for example, that most contemporary problems of African states result from the colonial period, even if these countries have been independent for many decades. This in fact means that Africans cannot be responsible for their actions. The humanitarian racist’s worldview is as distorted as that of the ugly racist. It is not stated explicitly, but only implicitly in his words.

The humanitarian racist’s conclusion differs, however, from that of the ugly racist. He or she considers that as the non-white or weak cannot be held responsible for their acts, one should look away as often as possible even if they commit major crimes. Ugly racists fortunately can no longer get articles published in mainstream media, but humanitarian racists unfortunately are welcomed by them.

Turning to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Gerstenfeld writes:

Exposing humanitarian racists is neglected in the battle against the de-legitimization of Israel, although crucial. The success of the Palestinian narrative and its many lies in the Western world is, to a large extent, due to its continuous promotion by humanitarian racists. They present the Palestinians as victims only, referring as little as possible to the major crimes they perpetrate or support. In this way, the humanitarian racists have become supporters or allies of Palestinian terrorists, murder and genocide-promoters.

One example in 2010 was the very limited international publicity about the condolences expressed by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to the family of Abu Daoud. Abbas had the following to say about the planner of the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre of Israeli athletes: “The deceased was one of the prominent leaders of the Fatah movement and lived a life filled with the struggle, devoted effort, and the enormous sacrifice of the deceased for the sake of the legitimate problem of his people, in many spheres…What a wonderful brother, companion, tough and stubborn, relentless fighter.”

Similarly, its difficult not conclude that such racist double standards at least partially explain why consistent evidence of Palestinian antisemitism (and their culture’s glorification of violence) is ignored by the gatekeepers at the Guardian.

Harriet Sherwood’s humanitarian racism may indeed inform the bulk of her reports from the region, which never misses an opportunity to impute the worst motives to Israel, while alternately strenuously avoiding characterizing Palestinians as anything other than victims.

The following video, which will almost certainly go unreported by Sherwood, is from a recent official Fatah ceremony where two of the highest religious authorities in the Palestinian Authority told a crowd of Palestinians that “Muslims’ destiny is to kill Jews and that Resurrection will come only after Jews are killed by Muslims” - an argument similarly echoed by the Fatah Moderator at the event.

Gerstenfeld continues:

The humanitarian racist worldview embodies many other distortions. If Arabs, for instance, cannot be held responsible for their criminal acts, others must be. The humanitarian racist thus has to look for scapegoats. That is why Israel is sometimes accused of the crimes the Palestinians committed.

Another distortion of the truth that is part of the humanitarian racist’s worldview is the denial of the existence of racism among people of color. There is, however, much data about the extreme racism widespread among Muslims for instance.

Former Dutch Parliamentarian of Somali origin Ayaan Hirsi Ali said that she “studied social work for a year in the Netherlands [and her] teachers taught us to look with different eyes toward the immigrant and the foreigner. They thought racism was a phenomenon that only appears among whites. My family in Somalia, however, educated me as a racist and told me that we Muslims were very superior to the Christian Kenyans. My mother thinks they are half-monkeys.”

Later, Gerstenfeld notes:

The great majority of Israelis, however, are not humanitarian racists. They consider Palestinians rightly responsible for their criminal acts like any other human being would be.

Gerstenfeld then proposes a simple test to recognize the humanitarian racists amongst those who de-legitimize Israel, including the following question:

“Where and how often have you exposed the profoundly [antisemitic] worldview that permeates Palestinian society, the Palestinian Authority and Hamas?”

Gerstenfeld continues:

If one finds that these critics of Israel have remained silent or said little on any of these issues, they can be “outed” as humanitarian racists. One can apply this humanitarian racism test to politicians, church leaders, journalists, academics as well as to Jewish and Israeli critics of the Jewish state.

Per Gerstenfeld’s query, I’ve been searching in both the Palestinian territories and Hamas pages of the Guardian and haven’t found any substantive report by Sherwood or her colleagues on the issue of endemic Palestinian antisemitism which, as PMW is continually demonstrating, is widely available and simply impossible not to notice when covering the region.

Even if Harriet Sherwood and her Guardian colleagues can be reasonably assumed to be free of anti-Jewish racism as such, its impossible not to understand their silence in the face of the undeniable antisemitism of her Palestinian protagonists in the context of Gerstenfeld’s definition of ‘Humanitarian Racism”.

Moreover, as I’ve argued continually on this blog, and what should be blatantly obvious and intuitive (but what is also continually demonstrated empirically), the central front of antisemitism in our day is located squarely in the Arab and Islamic world. 

But, just as relevant as understanding who precisely represents the most dangerous and malevolent antagonist in the cognitive and physical war against the Jews is properly identifying those who enable, excuse or ignore the modern manifestation of history’s most malign and obsessive hatred.

Thus, while reading Gerstenfeld’s meditation on ‘humanitarian racism, I began with a thought experiment of sorts in an attempt to properly contextualize the Guardian’s failure to report antisemitism in the region.

I conjured a world where Israel was surrounded not by Islamist movements, but by fascist (even neo-Nazi) states where explicit antisemitism, including classic conspiracy theories, was normative and a consistent component of their public discourse; where Jews were routinely demonized and characterized as inferior, and their existence as a nation seen as dangerous, unnatural, and a moral blight which had to be eradicated.

Is there anyone claiming the mantle of liberalism and anti-racism who, in this political scenario, would not stand up and denounce such annihilationist antisemitism, consider the Jews’ cause their cause, and stand shoulder to shoulder with all progressive minded people to fight the resurgent scourge of antisemitism mistakenly believed to have been buried in the ashes of Auschwitz-Birkenau, Sobibor, and Treblinka?

As such, the greatest failure of Guardian Left thought, the most dangerous pathos which guides their political imagination, is their seeming belief that the formerly oppressed, colonized and subjugated Arabs can not assume the moral role of history’s most odious antisemitic actors.

The Guardian’s continuing indifference and obfuscation in the face of the Islamic world’s malevolent Jewish obsession – this profound journalistic moral abdication - does more than simply skew their coverage of the Middle East and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.

The humanitarian racism which renders their reporters mute in the face of such undisguised antipathy towards Jews serves to empower the most reactionary, atavistic and regressive elements within the Arab world.

The threat this dynamic presents to the future of world Jewry – as well as to the Arabs’ capacity to achieve genuine moral, social and political progress – can not be overstated.

Before addressing the issue noted by our title, per Harriet Sherwood’s “Gaza builders lead economic recovery with some help from the black market“, Jan 22, a few not so minor corrections, to claims made by Sherwood and her Palestinian protagonists, need to be made:

First, there’s this:

Despite easing the blockade in 2010, Israel has maintained a ban on the import of construction materials on the grounds that they could be used to make rockets or build weapons stores or bunkers

This is classic Guardian and classic Sherwood: Sowing doubt by casually noting what Israel claims, without any further attempt to corroborate the facts. Is she suggesting there’s any doubt that Hamas uses such materials for weapons or bunkers?

According to the Terrorism and Information Center,

Hamas makes extensive use of cement to rebuild military infrastructure hit in Operation Cast Lead and to create new military infrastructure. For example, Hamas establishes outposts, training compounds, and storage sites; digs defensive and offensive tunnels; and creates rocket launch sites lined with concrete. Such activities are part of an overall strategy of giving priority to the rehabilitation and buildup of military infrastructure over the needs of the population. Hamas Political Bureau Chief Khaled Mash’al said as much at a conference in Damascus when he said, “On the surface, [statements in the Gaza Strip] refer to reconciliation [between Hamas and Fatah] and rebuilding, however, what is not revealed is that most of Hamas’ funds and efforts are invested in the resistance and military preparations…”

Second, Sherwood writes:

Israel still bans almost all exports, apart from a few truckloads of strawberries and flowers. Industries such as textiles and furniture, once mainstays of the Gazan economy, struggle to recover without the possibility of trade beyond the territory.

Yet, in a prior passage Sherwood acknowledges that Egypt has opened the Rafah crossing (on Gaza’s southern border), a border which Israel does not control and could certainly be used to facilitate exports.

Third, there’s the following claim which Sherwood doesn’t challenge:

Poverty, remains among the most severe in the world,” said Salem Ajluni, an economist who compiled a report on Gaza’s labour market for Unrwa. 

This claim is just flat-out untrue. As we’ve noted previously, and as even the NYT acknowledged, Gaza “has never been among the world’s poorest places. There is near universal literacy and relatively low infant mortality, and health conditions remain better than across much of the developing world.”

Finally, though a throw away line which Sherwood likely wrote with little or no reflection, the following passage needs to be fisked:

Unemployment in Gaza has fallen, but one in three of the potential job market is still without work and poverty is widespread in the teeming refugee camps.

I’ve pointed this out before, but I truly would like Sherwood, or any of this blog’s critics, to explain how you can sincerely make the case that Palestinians living in a  sovereign Palestinian ruled state (more than six years after Israel evacuated every remaining Jew from the territory) can still be considered “refugees”?  

To characterize them as refugees – even assuming these are Arabs who used to live in Israel proper (boundaries set for the Jewish state, per the 1947 UN Partition Plan) and were displaced by the 1948 War – would necessarily suggest that Jews displaced by the ’48 war from homes where they were lived in East Jerusalem and Judea/Samaria (The West Bank), and are now living within the post-war boundaries of the Israeli state, should similarly be considered refugees.

Moreover, what set of political criteria needs to be met for Palestinians to lose their refugee status, according to UNRWA and Western journalists like Sherwood who uncritically accept the group’s expansive and logically absurd understanding of the term? 

 

In my previous post refuting allegations made continually at the Guardian that Jewish communities across the green line represent a violation of international law, “No Harriet, Jews living across the green line are not in violation of international law, I noted legal opinions which, at the very least, sow considerable doubt on such assertions.

In brief, what Palestinians, and their advocates at the Guardian, are likely referring to is the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention, (the first international agreement designed to protect civilians during wartime), specifically the charge that the settlements violate Article 49(6) of the document.

Sure enough, Sherwood, in EU report calls for action over Israeli settlement growth, Jan 18, reports on a confidential document drawn up by EU diplomats in Jerusalem which singles out Israeli settlement growth as the largest impediment to a peace, and goes so far as to recommend that ”the European commission consider legislation “to..discourage financial transactions [and prohibit trade and business] in support of settlement activity…based on their illegality under international law”.

Though the report emphasizes that “Legislation should prohibit trade…with settlements based on their illegality under international law, rather than a politically driven boycott“, the report represents a dangerous movement to codify BDS against Israel as official EU policy.  

Consistent with the arguments used by anti-Israel, BDS activists, the EU document argues:

“Successive Israeli governments have pursued a policy of transferring Jewish population into occupied Palestinian territory [in which they include "East" Jerusalem] in violation of the fourth Geneva convention and international humanitarian law.”

As I noted previously, however, the first paragraph of Article 49(6) states:

“Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.”

So, while forcible transfer of populations is illegal, what about voluntary movements?

I previously cited the International Committee of the Red Cross, International law professors Eugene Rostow and Julius Stone, and Nuremberg Tribunal staffer Morris Abram all arguing that Israeli settlements can not reasonably be construed as a representing a “forcible transfer”, per Article 49. And, the historical context of the Geneva Convention is also instructive.

The Geneva Convention was drafted four years after the end of World War II, and was intended to prevent forced transfers of civilians such as those which took place in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland before and during the war, in light of the massive numbers of civilians (40 million) forced to leave their homes.

Jewish settlers in the West Bank (and “East” Jerusalem) are certainly volunteers, and have not been forcibly “deported” or “transferred” to the area by the Government of Israel.

But, moreover, while the high volume of comments under our previous post on Sherwood’s claims clearly suggests that we’re not going to adjudicate the legality of the settlements on these pages, the moral argument of Israel’s accusers is just as relevant to the discussion.

The moral logic employed by Israel’s critics seems to rest on the belief that no Israeli Jew should ever again live in either the east section of Jerusalem, or Judea and Samaria (West Bank) – land where Jews have lived for millennia, with the exception of  the period of 1949 to 1967, when Jordan occupied the territory and forbade Jews from living there.

Moreover, even for those who insist that Israeli control of territories occupied following the Six Day War is the root cause of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict – those unmoved by the experience in Gaza demonstrating that the ‘land for peace’ premise of Oslo may be nothing but a chimera – there are very real consequences to the continuing delegitimization of Jews who live across the green line.

Back in January, the Guardian published a letter by UCL Professor Ted Honderich, which argued that “the Palestinians have a moral right to their terrorism within historic Palestine against neo-Zionism.”

To be clear, by “historic Palestine” he was referring to territory Israel assumed control of in 1967 – the West Bank and East Jerusalem.  And, yes, he was morally justifying acts of murder against innocent Israeli civilians on the wrong side of the green line, and more broadly indicating that entire Jewish communities necessarily forfeit any claim to our collective moral sympathy. 

While reasonable people can disagree on the political implications of communities across the green line, as with so much of what passes for reporting from the region, the frequent and, at times, horribly callous pejorative depictions of Israelis who live there have almost no resemblance to reality.

They are not “hard-line”, “fanatical”, or “extreme”, several of the more popular hyperbolic and stereotypical terms employed in the service of critiquing such communities.

Finally, an old friend back in Philadelphia used to wear a t-shirt which contained text indicating support for the millions of Mexicans who crossed the border in the U.S. – and were living in the U.S. without the permission of Immigration Authorities – and a moral objection to critics of so-called “illegal” immigrants.  

The shirt read: No Human Being is Illegal.

Similarly, the men, women and children who reside in Israeli settlements – who may one day be forced to leave their homes if that is the will of the Jewish democratic state – are not mere abstractions.  And, they are not “illegal”. 

Those of us suspicious of the liberalism imputed to movements leading the Arab upheavals - and dismissive of the connotations associated with the term “Arab Spring” – are certainly not pro-Authoritarian. Nor, do we view the relative stability maintained by military dictators and despots which have ruled the region with anything approaching fondness or comfort.

Rather, such skepticism is merely informed by a political sobriety regarding claims that Arab societies (which, almost universally, have never known life in liberal, pluralistic societies) would suddenly embrace democratic ideals when reconstituting the laws, and systems of governments, in their respective countries.

Yet, with each ominous illiberal development reported along the Arab political road, those expressing concern with what such regressive dynamics portend for the region are either dismissed as cynics, or even racists. 

We act with alarm over the ascent of the political reactionary Muslim Brotherhood, and even more radical Salafists, in the Egyptian elections; We express concern with a new Tunisia constitution forbidding non-Muslims from seeking higher office; and we look with extreme dismay at reports that David Gerbi, (who, as a 12-year-old, was forced to flee Libya after anti-Jewish programs following the Six Day War spurred attacks on Tripoli Jews) told reporters he optimistically returned to Libya, hoping to restore a long-shuttered synagogue, only to be warned by anti-Gaddafi Libyan revolutionaries that he wasn’t welcomed and should flee.

Four men armed with rifles had come to the synagogue as he tried to enter. A man came and said, ‘You need to stop now. There are men coming with guns and you will be killed,’” said Gerbi, wearing a T-shirt emblazoned “I Love Libya”. 

The entire population of Libya’s once 40,000 strong community, which dated back to the 3rd century, had been cleansed – forced to flee by increasingly brutal anti-Jewish violence – within some 20 odd years following WWII, and yet, the ideals and spirit of the anti-Gaddafi revolution would not allow for the return of one single Jew, the opening of one solitary synagogue.

Sadly, anti-Jewish sentiment has marked the uprising against Gaddafi and its aftermath, in which graffiti invoking an alleged Jewish strand in Gaddafi’s lineage has sprung up on walls across the capital.

Antisemitism without Jews.

As I was watching the MEMRI clip of Egyptian soccer fans (in a country where less than 100 Jews remain, out of a community which once numbered 75,000) rapturously chanting continually “One nation for a new Holocaust”, posted here yesterday, a few thoughts crossed my mine.

First, it was clear that neither the Guardian nor, likely, the rest of the mainstream media, wouldn’t cover the incident.  

As with the continual explicit Arab antisemitism studiously documented by groups  such as Palestinian Media Watch and MEMRI – and which this blog often reports - news of even the most chilling and unambiguous hatred towards Jews simply isn’t part of the liberal media narrative about the Middle East.  

The Guardian devoted nearly 400 words yesterday on a report about an an Israeli MK throwing a cup of water on another MK – an institution obsessed with every conceivable Israeli flaw, and whose commentators continually frame every disagreeable piece of legislation being proposed as inconsistent with democratic values – yet rarely, if ever, deems it worth informing their readers when Palestinians honor terrorists, or incite their children to despise Jews and embrace martyrdom.

Such antisemitic phenomena in the Arab world – virulent, even eliminationist, antisemitism within the Muslim tradition which, as Colin Rubenstein wrote, predates Zionism by centuries - of course represents a threat to the several thousand remaining Jews in Arab lands, and it arguably serves as the largest single obstacle to peace in the region.  But, such racism is also vitally important to understand when analyzing the possible results of the current Arab political upheavals. 

Democracy is not a prize to be won, but, rather, a system of national values, mores and habits to be nurtured and continually defended.

The Arabs’ malign antisemitic obsession doesn’t just threaten Jews, it threatens – and represents the antithesis of – the liberal social, cultural and political traits necessary for real democracy (and a fierce societal allegiance to democratic values) to ever really take hold.

Dictators, be they secular or religious, always need an external enemy to keep control over their people, and in the decades following WWII, when former Arab colonies were given independence, anti-Zionism and antisemitism – whether informed by pan-Arabism, Arab nationalism, or Islamism – has served that role exquisitely.

Natan Sharansky believes that the truest expression of democracy is the ability to stand in the middle of a town square and express one’s views without fear of imprisonment. While this is indeed true, it also seems that a corollary of this principle is just as vital.

The temperature of a healthy democracy can often by measured by what you can say, but freely choose not to out of concern for its political toxicity, or fear of possible public opprobrium, and social disapproval – and the possible resulting loss of what sociologists refer to as “social capital”: family relations and other voluntary associations which often serve to maintain societal cohesion in a functioning democracy.

Arab nations will only truly be free, will be ready for a true liberal democratic transformation when such expressions of Judeophobia - whether in an airport in Tunis, at a soccer stadium in Egypt, during sermons by influential Islamic spiritual leaders,  in Saudi school textbooks, or on the pages of countless Arab newspapers - become socially toxic, and simply morally unacceptable. 

Perversely, Arab culture and Islamist ideology often characterize Zionism and Jews as some sort of moral albatross preventing their true aspirations from being realized when,  however, something closer to the antithesis is closer to the truth.

An Arab culture imbued with antisemitism and anti-Zionism must honestly be confronted, and overcome, for real political and social progress to be achieved.

Much like the yoke of political despotism they’re currently attempting to break free from, the injurious effects of the moral tyranny of their own racism are incalculable. 

While the liberal mainstream media’s almost universal failure to honestly confront the Arab world’s antisemitism certainly plays a role in its perpetuation, the one hopeful aspect of such intellectual bondage is that the means to overcoming it is, by definition, ultimately inside those under its grip.  It is not dependent on the actions of others.  

Beginning the process of freeing themselves from such a malign and crippling obsession is a decision which the Arab world,  and the Arab world alone, must make.

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